Why Post-Colonial Feminist Theory is Relevant in Understanding the Current Conflict in Haiti
One could be quick to judge Haiti’s tempestuous affiliation with conflict, but the history of Haiti is one of dynasty, strife and endeavour. Scars left from hundreds of years of colonial occupation in Haiti are reminiscent of the current ongoing conflict and gendered violence we see today.
Nationally gripped by increasing gang violence, wide food and freshwater scarcity, and an increasingly desperate cholera outbreak, Haiti has reached a point of crisis. Amid this deadlock of volatile variables, Haiti exists as an extremely vulnerable political state. As of January 2023, Haiti forfeited its latest remnants of any democratic representation when the remaining senator’s term terminated. The country has found itself at a political standstill as calls for free and fair elections hang loosely but tightly gripped by contradicting political discourse and almost impenetrable negotiations with gangs (Felbab-Brown, V. 2023). Haitian women are currently exposed to a high risk of kidnapping and rape used by heavily armed gangs as tools to install fear and establish retained territory (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commission, 2022). The threat of sexual violence only increases as gangs continue to overwhelm the country with no current anticipation of external intervention. There exists a vast multitude of attributes that fortify the current conflict in Haiti. However, in this paper, I will be addressing issues that both directly and indirectly regard the women of Haiti from a postcolonial feminist perspective.
Relevance of Postcolonial Feminist Theory in the Context of Haiti:
Surging in the 1980s, postcolonial feminism focuses on issues surrounding gender within countries with postcolonial heritage (Kerner, I., 2017). Colonial history produces enduring characteristics in the countries it leaves behind, thus fabricating the conditions in which individuals experience the world around them. Postcolonial feminism focuses on the differences and difficulties that exist across cultures with a colonial past, which exerts a stark distinction between the experiences of other women and the ethnocentric tendencies of ‘Western’ feminism (Mishra, R.K., 2013). Furthermore, postcolonial feminists object to the perception of development established in colonial discourse, which portrays the South as unsophisticated and barbaric and the North as advanced. With influence from Post-structuralist and Marxist theory (Blunt and Wills, 2000), postcolonial feminism emphasizes the importance of recognizing indigenous structures of equity and communalism as opposed to the individualistic attitude in the global economy (McEwan, C., 2001).
According to The Constitution of the Republic of Haiti, the women of Haiti share equal constitutional rights to men on political, economic, and cultural grounds (Chapter 1, Article 18). However, a report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on ‘The Right of Women in Haiti to be Free from Violence and Discrimination’ stated:
"The political, economic and social features of Haiti negatively affect most Haitians, but Haitian women experience additional barriers to the full enjoyment of their basic rights due to predominant social beliefs that they are inferior to men and a historical pattern of discrimination and violence against them based on their sex. Discrimination against women is a structural feature in Haitian society and culture that has subsisted throughout its history, both in times of peace and unrest."
Postcolonial feminist theory would argue that the structural feature of discrimination against women throughout Haiti is inextricably linked to the colonial past of the country (Al‐wazedi, U., 2020). As previously mentioned, the current ongoing conflict in Haiti is formulated by a myriad of elements. We can visually illustrate the fundamental characteristics of the conflict using the analysis tool, -a conflict tree (see Figure 1).
Figure 1:
As viewed in Figure 1, the root causes of the ongoing violence include ‘Colonial Occupation’ and ‘Structural Inequalities: Gender’. Much like the roots of a tree, these factors of Haitian society are interconnected and fundamentally influence how social issues and conflict develop. The postcolonial feminist approach combines these two elements to examine the influences and outcomes of a country’s current condition and ways in which to approach reconciliation and peacebuilding.
A Brief History of Colonial Occupation in Haiti and Relation to Haitian Women:
The postcolonial feminist lens is relevant to Haiti, as we can observe the mistreatment of native Haitian women since the first recorded invasion by Spanish settlers in Haiti in 1492. To apply this theory, it is useful to consider Haiti’s colonial history and its influence on women, one poignant event being the execution of Queen Anacaona, leader of the last Taino kingdom, ordered by a Spanish governor in 1503 – a distinct imperial act of racism and misogyny (Danticat, E., 2003).
From the years 1659 to 1791, Haitian and African imported women were forced into slavery and subjected to extremely cruel conditions on sugar and coffee plantations on the island under French rule. Both sexual and physical violence towards women was regular practice on the plantations, including flogging, rape, and genital mutilation (Eddins, C. 2020). Women were expected to carry out the same physically arduous duties on the plantations as men, including throughout pregnancy. All aspects of these women’s lives, including reproduction, were coercively manipulated by white slave owners. Many women were raped by masters to birth more slaves and punished if they miscarried. Other slave owners reinforced abortions as they wished to uphold their women’s physical ability to carry out labor, as pregnancy would hinder production rates (Boisvert, J., 2001).
We can compare the perception of using women as sexual objects to their advantage to the current situation in Haiti whereby gangs coerce women into becoming “partners” in gang strongholds. Similar to the treatment of women during colonial occupation, those who refuse to engage in the sexual demands of gang members can be victims of severe punishments including arson attacks or death (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commission, 2022). This view that women exist as tools to possess and manipulate in the conquest of individual gain is one grievously established in the colonial regime.
In 1915 United States Marines invaded Haiti from the shores of Port-au-Prince. US troops would go on to attain full control over Haiti for nineteen years by seizing Haitian finances, imposing martial law across the entire country, and installing a puppet president and policymakers (Renda, M.A., 2001). Copious human rights violations against Haitian men, women, and children were carried out during this military regime, including censorship, forced labor in concentration camps, and torture (Jean-Philippe, B. 2016). Haitian women were not only threatened with racially charged hate speech and violence by Marines but were also subject to sexual assault and rape (Pamphile, L.D., 2008) thus perpetuating structural gender inequality.
Furthermore, widespread action to demolish all Haitian practice of Vodou was attempted. Haitian writer and politician Jean Price-Mars determined the United States’ driving force behind the eradication of Vodou was to create a division between Haitian elites and the country’s poorer population. Price-Mars identified that upper classes of Haitians would develop an association of the practice of Vodou with dark and wicked occultism (Joseph, C.L., 2012). However, this motive today can be recognized from a postcolonial feminist perspective as an explicit misogynistic intrusion on native women’s authority. In contrast to the monotheistic ideology of religion in the predominantly Christian-abiding United States at the time, Haitian Vodou practice celebrated and promoted the full inclusion of femininity. Vodou priestesses were considered customarily powerful and well-respected within Haitian society (White, K., 1999). This religious promotion of gender equality could have been perceived as undermining the United States' operation to gain full control over Haiti and therefore the defamation of Vodou was heavily integrated into occupational endeavors.
Applying Postcolonial Feminist Theory to Haitian Conflict Resolution:
There has currently been little effort in response to issues of gender in Haiti by international actors (Champ, H., 2018). However, postcolonial feminists would argue that international conflict resolution strategies impose a liberal feminist approach, which is ultimately detrimental to engaging with gendered issues in postcolonial and neocolonial countries. For example, the United Nations Security Council: Women, Peace, Security Agenda (WPS) has been criticized from the postcolonial feminist perspective for holding “a blindness to the complex relationship between the postcolonial state, violence and gendered processes of reconstruction” (Martín de Almagro, M. and Ryan, C., 2019, p.1060). Furthermore, The WPS can be scrutinized for imposing a Western-centric approach that fails to acknowledge the diversity of gendered issues in postcolonial and neocolonial states (Mohanty, C., 1988). Hence, calls for international conflict resolution practices to incorporate more inclusive frameworks to maximize the engagement of native women in response to matters of peace and conflict (Nwangwu, C. et al, 2021).
If postcolonial feminist theory is not incorporated into conflict resolution practices, it could be considered counterintuitive to expect progressive and sustainable renovation of structural gender discrimination and conflict-related gendered issues in Haiti from external intervention alone. Therefore, conflict resolution strategies must encompass full cooperation and collaboration between internal Haitian actors and international actors from a postcolonial feminist perspective if an equitable and prosperous Haiti is to be established.
To What Degree Does the Application of Postcolonial Feminist Theory Assist Us in Understanding the Current Conflict in Haiti?
The conditions in Haiti can appear convoluted due to the multitudinous components influencing the present circumstances. Analyzing any conflict, we can evaluate particular variables in motion through assorted theories to gain a deeper comprehension of the subject. Essentially, due to the complex nature of conflicts, a singular theory or perspective cannot adequately expose one utmost explanation for causes and effects. This is a critical point to recognize as one can draw upon a theory to shed light upon a conflict but must also appreciate where limitations of a theory’s ability to interpret conflict exist. Nonetheless, postcolonial feminist theory has vastly elaborated my existing knowledge of the causes and concerns of the ongoing conflict in Haiti from one concentrated angle. The standpoint from postcolonial feminism governs the grasp of Haiti’s conflict through a profoundly distinct perspective. The theory provides a multilayered approach to the analysis of conflict which emphasizes ways in which different class, race, and gender identities influence the social and physical conditions of people’s lives (Brewer, R., 1993, Collins, P.H., 1990). While this approach is one that I would endorse to individuals seeking proficiency in Haiti’s conflict, I would vouch for a variegated approach via the inclusion of alternative perspectives, such as transformative or participation approaches.
The Main Lessons Learned from Applying Postcolonial Feminist Theory to Haiti:
“The war against the (Haitian) population at large is waged on women’s bodies.”
The core lesson learned from a postcolonial feminist analysis of Haiti is how the theory highlights how the history of colonialism, slavery, and ongoing Western imperialism has had a profound impression on Haitian gender relations. It recognizes that the experiences of Haitian women cannot be understood in isolation from broader social and political structures and that gender relations are deeply intertwined with issues such as economic inequality, political instability, and foreign intervention (Donaldson, L.E. and Kwok, P.L., 2002). The theory centers on the experiences and perspectives of Haitian women in efforts to address the country's social and political challenges. Haitian women's voices have often been diminished in discussions of these issues, and it is this marginalization that has contributed to the perpetuation of gender inequality. By accounting for the intersections of gender, race, and colonialism, and by centering the experiences and perspectives of Haitian women, the postcolonial feminist approach provides a powerful tool for understanding and addressing the complex social and political issues facing Haiti today.
The postcolonial feminist theory fundamentally assists us in understanding how Haiti’s colonial history has amounted to the current climate of the country in two distinct ways. Initially, the theory can aid us in understanding the ongoing turbulent struggle for political power, resulting in conflict. The struggle for political power in postcolonial countries commonly takes two forms: identity groups competing for dominance of the state (inter-identity conflict), and the state existing in conflict with identity groups (state identity conflict). These two degrees of conflict usually exist independently but are interactive and can develop in two directions: from society to state or vice versa (Hagg, G., 2008). Therefore “the sources of conflict in the post-colonial state are thus found first in its peculiar internal structure and second, by implication, in the structure of its intermestic external environment” (Araoye, A.,2012). This theory reflects Haiti’s current position of the inability of the postcolonial state to implement management of prevailing gang activity which has led to the country being heavily controlled by these violent groups.
Secondly, postcolonial feminist theory addresses ways in which gendered issues arise in Haiti and how women are subjected to discrimination and violence in the course of sovereignty. As a result of Haiti's deep-rooted political instability, Haitian women suffer the most. Women in Haiti suffer threats to their well-being and security due to kidnappings, sexual violence, human trafficking, and gang violence. Colonial history has left Haitian politics in a continuing precarious state, including decades of patriarchal dictatorships and extremely right winged regimes, such as the Haitian Tèt Kale Party (HTKP) whose agenda includes a blatant attack on women’s rights and the silencing of women’s concerns on the political platform. Former Haitian President and HTKP member Michel Martelly used his political power to advocate hierarchy between genders and assert male dominance. Martelly also defended and refused to inflict discipline upon other party representatives accused of rape, which, postcolonial feminists would argue, endorses rape culture and inflicting sexual violence on women without the likeliness of ramifications (Garcia, C. and Vemuri, A., 2017). Rape has historically been a tool to control women in Haiti since colonial rule. Unfortunately, this continues to be the case today as gender-based violence remains a method of occupying power by silencing people who speak up against state corruption (Lamour, S., 2021). With rape and gender-based issues existing as a core foundation in the instability of life in Haiti, we must seek solutions from postcolonial feminist theory to increase the security and quality of life of all those at risk.
“For feminists the recognition that states are patriarchal, militarised, violent, embody a masculine identity and are inherently exclusionary is critical to a gendered understanding of political violence. Postcolonialism, on the other hand, also points out how exclusion and violence is embedded in the imaginary of the nation-state itself”
Postcolonial feminism also explains how patriarchal, postcolonial societies shape male identity and reproduce gang members in Haiti. Haiti has been left to suffer the economic effects of colonialism since their enforced debt to France for slave reparations - an estimated $21 billion today. Haiti’s history of corruption and natural disasters since its independence has had adverse effects on the economy, with an extremely low GDP per capita of $2,870 (The World Bank, 2021) and over 60% living in poverty (Choi, H., 2021). For Haitian men at risk of poverty, gangs can be anticipated as grounds for opportunity to escape impoverishment and sentiments of emasculation (Baird, A.2017). Nonetheless, while the discontinuation of gang activity in Haiti is of the utmost urgency, it is vital to address the preexisting economic inequalities and structural gender-based violence present in Haitian societies before widespread gang influence to induce positive peace (Erzurum, K. and Eren, B., 2014).
In terms of approaching reconciliation in Haiti, postcolonial feminist theory would promote the operation of a bottom-up agenda and abstain from the application of liberal peacebuilding (Waylen, G., 2006). Liberal peacebuilding has a habit of fabricating a bisection between civil society and state, and in the case of Haiti could compromise the needs of vulnerable members of society by meeting the needs of Haitian gangs, in turn forging a micro-coloniality (Hudson, H., 2016). Whereas local peacebuilding efforts from a gendered perspective advocate for the inclusion of women at all levels of decision-making, women’s participation in established intuitions instigates conversations of gender equality. The bottom-up approach in Haiti from the postcolonial feminist perspective provides one sustainable path for peacebuilding which can amplify the issues surrounding decolonizing and gender that permeate the lives of men and women (Mama, A. and Okazawa-Rey, M., 2012).
To view postcolonial feminist theory in Haiti in action we can refer to the work of native organizations such as Solidarite Fanm Ayisyèn (SOFA). SOFA advocates for Haitian women’s autonomy, access to medical care, participation in the country’s decision-making sphere, and the eradication of gender-based violence. The organization conducts its activities from the ground level and highlights the importance of integrating the poorest and most vulnerable women, where remnants of Haiti’s colonial history persist as poignant foundations of civil life. Before continuing with this blog post, I must highlight the limitations of my authority and abilities to correctly comment on means to improve postcolonial feminist theory. As a white woman, born in a country with little to no history of colonial intrusion I can only comment on postcolonial feminism from my existing understanding of the theory as an individual not directly affected by the racial and gendered marginalisations and conditions existing in postcolonial countries. This is an essential point to identify as it is not my intention to whitewash postcolonial feminism when discussing modifications, as it is a theory in which I hold the utmost respect due to the radical and progressive premise of the approach. Therefore, I remain graciously open to critique and revisal of points made in this blog from individuals who relate to postcolonial feminist theory in an empathic or conversant manner.
Based on the Lessons Learnt What Should be Added to Postcolonial Feminism to Improve the Theory?
One focus on which postcolonial feminism could improve as a theory is approaching in closer detail the economic position of men in circumstances that potentially inflict mistreatment of women. For example, as discussed in my previous blog, one contributing factor to increased gang activity in Haiti and hence heightened levels of gender-based violence towards women is the country’s current poor economic conditions. Postcolonial feminist theory emphasizes the importance of women of color seeking alternative economic structures to Western ideology and decolonizing mainstream feminist economics (Carrasco-Miró, G., 2022) on an epistemological level (Marcos, S., 2006). However, this case study, is directly beneficial to Haitian women for a level of focus on the improvement of the financial prosperities of men, considering postcolonial feminism is ultimately the study of all gendered concerns surrounding those affected by racialized issues and colonial history. There currently exists an abundance of postcolonial feminist writing on the redefining of women’s role in capitalist economic, frameworks in the postcolonial context (Begum, H.S., 2017), but noticeably less guidance, mentions, or resolutions on how men are anticipated to readjust succeeding of the forceful application of western financial systems from the postcolonial feminist perspective.
Postcolonial feminist theory can be applauded for being a diversified approach to how the theory addresses an extensive scope of concerns including social structures regarding colonialism, hierarchy, gender, race, and class. It is implied that the lens of wider feminist theory has increased in representation and sophistication through the application of the “postcolonial mode” (De Lauretis, T., 1988, p.138). However, we can consider the concept of intersectionality in conjunction with postcolonial feminism when deliberating the maximization of a theory’s ability to represent and elevate efficiency. Initially contrived by Kimberlé Crenshaw, the term intersectionality accentuates the ‘multidimensionality’ of the lived experiences of oppressed individuals (Crenshaw, 1989, p.139). Since it emerged from critical race studies in the late 1980s to today, intersectionality has remained persistently attentive to the intersection between gender and race, among other collective facets, and increasingly reproduces a fascination with ‘...the various ways in which race and gender interact to shape the multiple dimensions of Black women's ... experiences’ (Crenshaw, 1991, p.1244). An indisputable overlap of interests and activity exists between postcolonial feminist theory and intersectionality. However, Heidi Safia Mirza, one of Britain's first black women professors and feminist writer poses the question:
“Can we, as women of color, claim that black and postcolonial feminisms – a conscious, meaningful act of political self‐identification – still bind us in our different locations and seemingly fragmented struggles in the global twenty‐first century?” (2009, p,2).
As opposed to postcolonial feminism, intersectionality as an alternative locational feminist theory underlines the distinctions of women’s experiences on a global scale corresponding numerous systems of oppression and not just those who experience marginalisations as a result of post/neocolonialism (Al‐ wazedi, U., 2020). Furthermore, “our conceptualization of intersectionality – including the expanded version race/class/gender/age/ability/sexuality/ethnicity/nation” (Purkayastha, B., 2012, p.114) changes on a transnational scale, which could mean for example, that the discriminations experienced by a black, homosexual woman emigrating from Haiti to Brazil could not necessarily be explained by postcolonial feminist theory but could by intersectionality.
Could it be that the advancement and promotion of intersectionality as a tool for social analysis ultimately undermines further demand for postcolonial feminism and discontinue the requirement of the theory all together? Alternatively, postcolonial feminists could adopt an increased intersectional perception to their approach in a bid to increase relevance and maintain purpose.
Based on the Lessons Learnt, How Can Practice in this Area be Improved?
An addition to postcolonial feminist theory which could enhance the theory in the practice of reconciliation is the incorporation of an acknowledgement of the practical benefits of top-down peacebuilding. The local peacebuilding approach, favoured bypostcolonial feminists, can be critiqued by Sandrine Lefranc (2011, p.34) who questions the “underlying, individualist, relationalist conception of social functioning and change” present in some bottom-up approaches, notably ones which uphold dialogue as a primary function. Lefranc argues that bottom-up approaches do not address the conflict reproducing systems whereby unchallenged powers remain indiscrete. In the case of Haiti, where high levels of poverty and the ongoing conflict exist as intrinsically linked to wider structural dynamics produced by colonial history and on national/international levels, grassroots level peacebuilding could be seen as only able to offer momentary alleviation for the complexities of conflict, as opposed to transformative action (Donais, T. and Knorr, A.C., 2013). As discussed by Lara Olson and Mary Anderson “the single most important connection for significant change is that whatever is done be translated into socio/political action. Without such action, fundamental and sustainable changes required for peace seem not to occur” (Anderson and Olson 2003, p.58). This statement highlights the necessity for the integration of local level and bottom-down peacebuilding processes, presenting themselves as a hybridity of efforts in which postcolonial feminism could assimilate into existing theory to improve. However, it is worth noting that the Haitian State has a predominantly patriarchal and masculine structure with a history of excluding women’s voices and lacking endorsement of women’s rights. For a combination of the two theoretical orientations to successfully design and implement sustainable means of reconciliation and peacebuilding there must be equal opportunities for both men and women to engage in discourse and action from all points of the spectrum (Chakraborty, A., 2017, Smith, S., 2018.).
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About The Author:
Harriet is a peace educator with a professional history specialising in issues surrounding violence against women and girls. She is an advocate for uplifting women and is determined to ensure the safety and wellbeing of those overlooked on global political platforms so that they may be able to thrive. She is a passionate intersectional feminist with a vision of an equal and respectful future for all women. After completing a Masters degree in Reconciliation and Peacebuilding, Harriet now seeks to apply her lifelong passion for human rights, conflict transformation and social justice to a career dedicated to fabricating her vision.
