From Harassment to Exclusion: How Black and Brown Voices Are Excluded From Online-Gender-Based Violence Discourse in Europe
In the past years, continental Europe has been the stage of rising far-right populism and movements, leading to the glorification of anti-rights discourse, including misogyny, racism, xenophobia, islamophobia, homophobia and transphobia. This phenomenon, alongside the resurgence of nazi symbols and white supremacist ideologies, raises many concerns for the future of human rights, the rule of law and social justice in Europe.
While women’s rights are threatened by these groups, the latest decision by the European Commission to withdraw from the Equal Treatment Directive raises further interrogations regarding the EU’s commitment to end all forms of discrimination. Indeed, the Directive would have strengthened protections against discrimination based on religion, belief, disability, age, and sexual orientation, including for those at the intersections of race and gender.
Social media has allowed for xenophobia, racism, misogyny, propaganda disinformation and stereotypical portrayal of minoritised groups to be normalised. Platforms like Facebook, Instagram and X have significant amounts of racial hatred, notably against Black and Brown people. Online hate speech is not contained within the digital sphere; it does not exist in isolation from the physical world and has real-life, dangerous consequences. However, interests at play have seemed to overrule these efforts, and there are considerable setbacks in online hate speech regulation, notably the recent roll back on hate speech rules announced by Meta in January 2025.
These decision’s impacts have largely been underestimated when research showed women from marginalized communities, in particular Black and Brown women, face intersected systemic discrimination and stand particularly vulnerable to the attacks perpetrated by the anti-rights movement, including online gender-based violence, which will be the subject for this article.
With the rapid development of new technologies and artificial intelligence (AI), the international community has been trying to address the human rights implications of the use of AI. Apart from the many challenges it poses for privacy and data protection, research has found that AI reproduces biases and fuels discrimination, particularly gender and racial biases, making Black women, LGBTQIA+ individuals, minorities, migrants, and women with disabilities face additional layers of risk online .
In spite of all the warnings about the increased vulnerability faced by racialized women to online gender-based violence fueled by biased AI and the rise of white supremacist rhetoric, not much has been done to properly analyze nor address concerns raised since the 1990s, mostly by Black-American feminists.
This article will explore briefly how the concepts of race and representation are key to understanding the dynamics behind discrimination and violence, reproduced and amplified by AI and technologies, and how European academia and feminist movements can stand for both gender and racial justice.
Race and representation
Critical Race Theory and the European colonial legacy
Critical Race Theory (CRT) emerged in the US in the mid-1970s among lawyers, activists and legal scholars who were concerned with the emergence of the “post-racial” rhetoric following the Civil Rights Movement. Central to this narrative was the assumption and belief that systems of oppression, such as race and gender, had been completely dismantled. CRT emerged to challenge these assumptions and uncover the presence of racism and white-supremacy in ideological, institutional and interpersonal realms. “Racism is not simply an individual belief or a psychological state; rather, it is a hegemonic ideology and system of material inequalities that are ubiquitous in society”. Indeed, racism is interwoven into all aspects of society, including the digital arena.
“Intersectionality” was introduced by Anna Julia Cooper in 1892 and was later popularised by Kimberlé Crenshaw, who coined the term as a tenet of CRT in 1989. Yet, women of color were at the forefront of social justice efforts decades before the term intersectionality was coined, claiming that the interconnectedness of race, class, gender and sexuality influenced their everyday experiences. Intersectionality examines the connection between the three most important global systems of domination: racism/colonialism, capitalism and patriarchy; and their by-products: classism, homo- and transphobia, cis- and heterosexism and all other forms of racism. Intersectionality looks at the ways in which various social categories such as gender, class, race, sexuality, disability, religion and other identity axes are interwoven on multiple and simultaneous levels. The discrimination resulting from these mutually reinforcing identities leads to systemic injustice and social inequality.
The concept of intersectionality is grounded in decades of activism that battled the challenges of racism and sexism throughout the 20th century. American media scholars have deployed intersectionality in their study of minoritised identities and their representation in media, particularly in media surveillance of African American and Latina women and their femininity.
CRT acknowledges the prevalence of white supremacy that is deeply embedded within the very fabric of Western society. We contend that the bodies of black and brown women continue to be colonised through media representations that curate harmful narratives about our bodies through hyper-circulation of racial imagery, the hyper-sexualisation of our bodies and internet protocols and policies that uphold white supremacy. While CRT has mostly been developed and used within the American context, it is of great relevance to the European context: France, the UK and Spain, among others, have colonized and occupied countries and territories all across the hemisphere.
Parallel to modern conflicts, colonization’s first victims were women and children: they were subjected to torture, inhumane and degrading acts, and countless human rights violations in total impunity. Indeed, due to the long lasting character of colonization and occupation, many theories emerged to « justify » such crimes, notably white supremacy: a theory according to which being White constitutes the norm, and being non-White is being different. The constructed racial hierarchy created both symbolic and material differences between the oppressed and the oppressor. These differences nowadays erroneously appear natural, normal, and legitimate, and they were upheld to not contaminate the purity of the so-called ‘superior’ White race.
While these theories emerged in Europe, the legacies of European colonialism are not as actively discussed as the legacies of American slavery. While the international community found this theory to be unfounded and acknowledged the criminal nature of centuries of colonial oppression, our societies decided to « move on » and not address the deeply ingrained institutional and structural racism.
Portrayal and erasure of Black and Brown women in Western culture and media
Black and Brown girls and women in Europe are constantly faced with intersected forms of discrimination and violence
Needless to say, racialized people, particularly women, remain underrepresented in the media, or in instances when they are presented, their identities are often stereotyped, or they become objects of the orientalist gaze. What people view, see and hear in the media has the capacity to shape what they think and their understanding of the world around them.
A research report, covering 1,700 top films from 2007 to 2023, examined portrayals of Gender, Race/Ethnicity, LGBTQ+ & Disability in the entertainment industry. The report found that only 32% of speaking characters in 2023 were girls/women, compared to 30% in 2007. It also carried an “invisibility analysis” - rating among 100 popular movies of 2023 how many were completely missing girls/women from particular racial/ethnic groups.
Out of 100 movies, 12 movies did not include any White girls/women on screen but:
39 were missing girls and women who were Black/Afrodescendants,
49 films did not feature an Asian girl/woman and,
56 failed to depict a Multiracial/Multiethnic girl or woman,
62 did not include Latinas,
81 failed to include even one Middle Eastern/North African female-identified character,
99 films missing both American Indian/Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander girls/women.
“The epidemic of invisibility has been left unchecked for years (...) girls and women from underrepresented racial/ethnic groups continue to see their stories and their reflections erased in the most popular content each year.” - PhD Stacy L. Smith, 2024
The reluctant recognition of the existence of racism is based on the silence about race and reflected in silence about what it means to be White - PhD Elena Ball, 2022
“Banishing race as a critical analytical category, in other words, risks forsaking any adequate account of the distinctly European colonial legacies that literally produced race as a sociopolitical category of distinction and discrimination in the first place” - PhD Nicolas De Genova, 2018
The gradual erasure of race from intersectionality by scholars has disastrous consequences on the fight for racial justice in Europe, leaving out the political claims of racialized women from « intersectional » gender studies and feminism. Intersectionality is required now more than ever to adequately address women’s experiences with structural, political and institutional violence, especially the way these different systems of oppressions are replicated in every sphere : educational, cultural, political, social...
Moreover, with the creation of new online spaces and advancements in technology that remain widely unchecked, it is important that the experiences of Black and Brown women are not invisibilized.
2. Online Gender-Based Violence: Experiences of Black and Brown Women in Europe
Terminology and concepts
Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TFGBV) is any act that is committed, assisted, aggravated or amplified by the use of internet and communication technologies (ICTs) or other digital tools that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual, psychological, social, political or economic harm or other infringements of rights and freedoms. In this article, we will refer to the term « Online Gender-Based Violence (OGBV), as we will focus more on the social media sphere.
Studies show that the prevalence of Online GBV against women and girls ranges from 16 to 58 per cent, and younger women are especially affected. Subgroups of women that are at heightened risk of offline violence are also at greater risk of online violence, including: young women and girls; women in public life; LGBTIQ+ people; racialized, minoritized and migrant groups of women; and women with disabilities.
Misogynoire, or the “particular venom directed at Black women”, is a term coined by PhD Moya Bailey in 2008 to acknowledge the ways Black women are uniquely discriminated against because of their gender and race. The concept of misogynoir can be traced back to slavery, but absolutely still exists and causes harm today. Bailey found that these attitudes about black women can be linked to poor health, social and economic outcomes. Digital misogynoire is the continued, unchecked, and often violent dehumanisation of Black women on social media, as well as through other forms such as algorithmic discrimination.
The case of Aya Nakamura:
Aya Nakamura, is a 28-year old French-Malian singer and feminist icon, globally known for her famous single « Djadja ». Her music, mixing different genres and influences, from her griyo roots to Rn’B and rap, is a celebration of her diverse background and multifaceted talents. While her popularity makes no doubt as the 1st French female artist on global charts, she has been the target of one of the most virulent online hate campaigns, amplified by right wing media and politicians' opposition to her singing for the opening ceremony of the Paris 2024 Olympic Games.
Comments, articles and debates tearing her physique and language, not addressing the elephant in the room: the French number 1 artist is a Black, dark-skinned woman.
Orientalism is an academic discipline that was coined by Edward Said in 1978, who shifted the perspective of orientalism from merely a study of the Orient and its culture to a critical analysis of how the Orient is stereotyped and dominated by the opposite, namely the West. Said identifies domination in terms of neo imperialism, a continuation of traditional colonialism. He builds on works of French Psychoanalyst Jaques Lacan, Michael Foucault, and Antonio Gramsci to reimagine the notion of ‘gaze’ as a Western construction of the binary divide between the ‘normative’ West and the ‘Orient’ other. Said’s influential work on Orientalism remains highly relevant in today’s political and social climate.
In the context of OGBV against Black and Brown women, Orientalism provides us with a post-colonial lens that helps us identify the dangers of objectification that uphold systems of domination, oppression and neo imperialism. Orientalism is increasingly normalised in the UK, which dehumanises and hyper-sexualises ESEA women. Racialized misogyny is, therefore, entwined with male violence towards ESEA women. On Your Side, a support and reporting service for ESEA people in the UK found that 73% of hate crimes targeting ESEA women are perpetrated by men.
Research gaps and case study
Black and Brown women and girls’ experiences with online violence are driven by structural inequalities and intersecting forms of discrimination, which are at times exacerbated by certain digital-specific risk factors. A 2018 Amnesty report found that “Black and minority ethnic women were 34 % more likely to be mentioned in abusive or problematic tweets than white women.” Furthermore, it was shown that Black women were disproportionately targeted and 84% more likely than white women to be mentioned in abusive or problematic tweets. Also, research indicates that female politicians, especially those who speak out on feminist issues or come from racial, ethnic, religious or minority groups, are targeted with much higher levels of disinformation than their male counterparts.
However, research found that there were multiple gaps in research regarding TFGBV:
In regional knowledge: few studies in Central or Eastern Europe, the Middle East and North Africa, Sub Saharan Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean.
In populations: few studies looked at women and girls who suffer multiple intersecting forms of discrimination. Gaps were also apparent in terms of studies on migrant and refugee women, rural women, and women from racial or religious minorities.
The case of Zarah Sultana
Zarah Sultana is the youngest British-Muslim woman of Pakistani heritage to be elected as a member to Parliament In the UK and has been consistently speaking out about Islamophobia in the UK and is a vocal supporter of Palestine. Earlier in 2021, Sultana broke down in tears at Westminster hall while recalling the large amount of Islamophobic abuse she was victim to after being elected.
"I have discovered that to be a Muslim woman, to be outspoken and left-wing, is to
be subject to this barrage of racism and hate."- Zara Sultana
Online abuse against her has raised significantly after she spoke about a ceasefire in Gaza after October 7th and has remained steadfast in her support for Palestine. Comments include calling her derogatory names, telling her to go back to Pakistan and much more.
The case of Rima Hassan:
Rima Hassan is a 32-year-old French-Palestinian legal scholar, activist and a member of the European Parliament. She has been steadfast in her pro-Palestine activism and is often seen wearing a keffiyeh, which she describes as a “superhero cape”. She has explicitly used her platform to denounce Zionism, the genocide in Gaza and call out the colonial entity of the state of Israel. Hassan’s public condemnation of Israeli policies has exposed her to an onslaught of racist and sexist threats online on a daily basis resulting in her filing eight complaints to ensure her freedom of expression.
The case of Joacine Katar Moreira:
Joacine Katar Moreira is a 37-year-old Portuguese member of Parliament with Guinean heritage, and one of the first three black women (and first black women with disability) to enter the Portuguese Parliament in 2019.
Since her election she faced a violent social media hate campaign, targeted by ableist slurs mocking her stuttering and racist slurs from members of the same Parliament who told her to « return to her country ».
First elected under the banner of the « left-wing » party Livre, she faced a vote of no confidence no more than 3 months after taking office, leaving her as an independent parliamentary. Nonetheless, she affirmed being committed to exercise her mandate and advocate for true equality in Portugal, even if it is alone.
Black and Brown women are expected to shrink themselves to be accepted and face violent pushbacks when they unapologetically take up space. Online gender-based violence reflects the dynamics of intersected discrimination and violence deeply rooted in colonialism, racism and patriarchy.
While European societies refuse to face their colonial legacy and address the systemic instrumentalization and violation of Black and Brown bodies across the hemisphere, unchallenged power dynamics and social norms keep on determining the experiences of descendants of historically oppressed communities.
Conclusion: Pathways for intersectional gender-responsive action
This article is written not to call and shame but to face everyone, especially civil society organizations and academia, with their responsibilities in empowering Black and Brown women and not reproducing systemic oppression systems. We advocate for critical reflection on colonial legacies and how they continue to affect people of color. We take this a step further and call on academics, policy makers and activists to adopt an intersectional analysis of online violence against women, thus exposing the reality of the disproportionate amount of hate Black and Brown women receive on social media. With rapid advancements in technology and the ubiquity of social media, new avenues for perpetrating crimes and causing harm, particularly against women, are becoming easier and normalised. While there is limited research that carries out an intersectional analysis of online violence against women, data shows that social media - and media in general - perpetuate a cycle of hatred through negative representations of Black and Brown women. It is imperative that the experiences of Black and Brown women online are not sidelined. There is a dire need for academics and researchers to critically engage with cases of online racism and sexism and employ a critical race perspective along with intersectionality to uncover how white supremacy and heteropatriarchy shape media practices.
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About the authors:
Francesse Philippe is a French Human Rights Jurist with Caribbean and Latin heritage (Haiti-Guiana). Polyglot, she holds a Master’s degree in International Human Rights Law and a DU (LLM) in Transboundary Humanitarian Law. With multiple experiences in advocacy and diplomacy (EU,UN,OAS), she is a fierce advocate for climate, social and racial justice in Europe and the Americas, committed to ensure minoritized and marginalized voices are heard in the political sphere.
Basudha Guha Khasnobis is a feminist from India and holds a Master’s degree in Gender, Violence and Conflict. Her experiences range from working as a research assistant to volunteering with NGOs directed towards tackling gender-based violence. She has a passion for academia and is interested in understanding decolonial feminism, nationalism, gender-based violence and border imperialism.
